Back to back(wards) and moving on: on agreement, auxiliaries and verb classes in sign languages

Autor/a: QUADROS, Ronice M.; QUER, Josep
Año: 2006
Editorial: Florianopolis: Arara, 2006
Tipo de código: Copyright
Soporte: Digital


Lingüística, Lingüística » Lingüística de otras Lenguas de Signos


The standard tripartite classification of sign language verbs (Padden 1983/1988) relies on the assumption that the agreement shown by spatial and agreement verbs is of a  different kind:  while  the  former  display  locative  agreement  (i.e.  with  the  loci associated  with  locative  arguments),  the  latter agree morphologically  with  subject and object arguments  (that is,  with the loci linked  to  their  referents). Still, both spatial predicates expressing motion and agreement verbs resort to the same type   of morphological element to realize the allegedly different sort of agreement: PATH (Meir 1998;  DIR in  Meir 2002).  The semantic contribution of  this morpheme in the two classes would be essentially the same: in spatial verbs the initial and final slots of PATH are  aligned  with  locations  and  in  agreement  verbs  they  are  aligned  with  subject  and object loci. Since agreement verbs seem to denote transfer of a theme either in a literal or in an abstract sense, the  semantic  generalization  is  established that  the slots of the directional  PATH morpheme can be assigned the source and goal theta-roles in both classes of predicates (Fischer & Gough 1975).   For   spatial   verbs,  this is  quite straightforward; foragreement verbs, source and goal are restricted  to  [+human],  so they can be relabelled as agent and benefactive, respectively.